Speas and Tenny (2003) have argued for the existence of a special syntactic layer above the CP node (see also Hill 2014), labelled the Sentience Domain. This paper provides further arguments for the syntactic projection of the Sentience Domain. More specifically, it shows that it can derive in a straightforward manner some otherwise puzzling properties of indirect evidentiality (IEv) in Romanian (Romance languages) where this class establishes morphological syncretism with other T(ense) A(spect) M(ood) categories (Coşeriu 1977, Squartini 2001, Ippolito 2002, 2013, Giorgi and Pianesi 2004, Delfitto 2004, Hill 2011, Irimia 2010, etc.)
Indirect evidentials: more arguments for the Sentience Domain Projection / Irimia, Monica Alexandrina. - 34:(2017), pp. 267-276. (Intervento presentato al convegno 34th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics (WCCFL 34) tenutosi a Salt Lake City, Utah nel 29 aprile - 1 maggio 2016).
Indirect evidentials: more arguments for the Sentience Domain Projection
IRIMIA, Monica Alexandrina
2017
Abstract
Speas and Tenny (2003) have argued for the existence of a special syntactic layer above the CP node (see also Hill 2014), labelled the Sentience Domain. This paper provides further arguments for the syntactic projection of the Sentience Domain. More specifically, it shows that it can derive in a straightforward manner some otherwise puzzling properties of indirect evidentiality (IEv) in Romanian (Romance languages) where this class establishes morphological syncretism with other T(ense) A(spect) M(ood) categories (Coşeriu 1977, Squartini 2001, Ippolito 2002, 2013, Giorgi and Pianesi 2004, Delfitto 2004, Hill 2011, Irimia 2010, etc.)
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